The labor law verdict against Professor Yunus and three other Grameen Telecom directors has been rightly condemned within Bangladesh and around the world as a clear miscarriage of justice. Among the many expressions of outrage about such a national embarrassment, this article by Mahfuz Anam, the editor of the Daily Star, stands out. Honestly, there have been too many columns, news articles, and television segments critical of the judgment to even begin to count or list them.
But let’s look at this case, and others that are pending, from the perspective of whether the legal process is being followed consistently in Bangladesh, or whether there is one, much harsher standard for enemies of the Prime Minster, and another for everyone else.
Shayan S. Khan, the executive editor of the Dhaka Courier, which is comparable to Time magazine in the United States, has been looking at these very issues for months. Most recently, he published an article in the Courier this week titled “A Spectacle of Injustice,” along with an excellent post to his Facebook page, which is appended to the bottom of this article.
Khan identifies many instances where the legal system has bent over backwards to treat Professor Yunus unjustly. Some examples:
The case has been put on an incredibly fast track. Khan cites a 2021 study by the Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST) showing that labor courts typically took 630 days to award compensation, and another 475 for the compensation to be paid. But according to Khan, it only took Judge Merina Sheikh just 130 days “to weigh up all the facts and arguments from each side … and pronounce her guilty verdicts.” Conveniently, this rushed verdict was handed down a few days before the so-called “election” scheduled for January 7, and on a day that was a national holiday in many countries around the world.
In all other such cases, the organization supposedly committing the violations would be charged. In this case, it was Professor Yunus (the non-executive chairman of the organization) and three other directors. In all other such cases, the case would initially be tried as a civil matter, not as a criminal one, as was the case here. (See below for how charges could, theoretically, ultimately become crimal in nature after several steps were taken that were not in this case.)
The violations of the Bangladesh Labour Act of 2006 supposedly committed by Grameen Telecom amount to these three: (1) the misclassification of employees, (2) not giving employees enough paid vacation, and (3) not depositing 5% of company profits into a worker’s welfare fund. For these alleged violations, jail time has been ordered. Khan compares this to the treatment of the massive garments industry. He writes, “How many factory owners, not just RMG [ready made garments companies] but any kind of manufacturing, where we’ve seen workers dying due to unsafe conditions, have faced criminal, not civil charges, in light of the countless deadly incidents we’ve witnessed over the years?”
It turns out there has been just one. He continues, “Only Delwar Hossain of Tazreen Garments/Fashions. And even he hasn’t been convicted yet, over the deadliest fire ever in the industry, globally…
“All other cases emanating from such incidents have filed only civil charges against the owners [and] the relief sought has been compensation. But in the case of Grameen Telecom, where no one died or got injured, they just had to file criminal charges. And see it through to a conviction in the same labour tribunal that has seemingly forgotten [about] Delwar’s offences, maybe even his existence…
“Tazreen burned to the ground in 2012, killing around 120 workers who were locked inside the factory floor — a policy implemented by the management to prevent workers from ‘wandering off’ during work hours apparently. That man [responsible] is free today, on bail but not convicted. Dr Yunus has been granted post-conviction bail as well and his appeal will move this to the High Court. But technically, he has a lesser claim on breathing free in Bangladesh today, than Delwar Hossain. And that is your state of justice in Bangladesh.” Recall that the deadly factory fire occurred more than 11 years ago.
Now let’s look at the charge of Grameen Telecom failing to provide 5% of its profits to workers welfare fund. Forget for the moment that Grameen Telecom is nonprofit organization, so it is not covered by this provision of the Labor Act. Let’s also ignore that the funds were eventually paid in an out of court settlement that made many Grameen Telecom employees very wealthy by any standard. (Uncompensated board members like Professor Yunus, it should be noted, received nothing under the settlement.)
Let’s simply ask this question: Are other for-profit companies in Bangladesh paying into these funds? Khan’s reporting shows that 140,000 of the 600,000 companies in Bangladesh have been obliged under the Labor Act to contribute some of their profits into these workers funds, but only 300 have ever done so. (And Khan notes that it is not clear that they have contributed the required amounts.) Khan concludes, “[This] means there are some 139,700 firms in the country today in violation of the law [relating to contributions to worker’s welfare funds], but only Grameen Telecom has ever been prosecuted for it—that too, criminally.”
What about the highly profitable garments sector? They got a waiver making it unnecessary for them to contribute to the workers’ funds. What about the banking industry? They have declined to contribute anything over 18 years, and instead are fighting to secure their own exemption from having to pay.
Finally, let’s look at how the trial was conducted. Under Bangladeshi law, the written verdict is supposed to be read out loud in its entirety. Did that happen on January 1? No. Khan quotes Grameen Telecom’s lawyer Barrister Abdullah Al Mamun describing what actually happened: “The rule is, the judge will read the full judgement in open court. That is how it started. But when she saw that every line of the judgement contained errors, she started omitting line after line. She just gave the order, leaving out the full verdict. It is against the law. The rule is that the entire verdict should be read out in the presence of the accused.”
Khan further reports that Mamun substantiated numerous ways that the verdict flouted the Labor Law. He quotes Mamum as saying, “If 5 percent of the profit is not paid to the workers, then section 236 of the Act specifies a time will be fixed for it. If then it is unpaid, they will go for a fine or compensation. Even then, if the money remains unpaid, measures will be taken according to the Public Demand Recovery Act. They can appeal to the government to act on the employer to pay up. None of this was followed. The Supreme Court has ruled that a criminal case can only be filed after a civil case fails to realise the compensation. Here the opposite was done.”
Khan concludes his article in the Courier with the following words, “Barrister Al Mamun said they (he and his team) presented 109 contradictions in the state’s arguments. Usually even in murder cases, presenting a single contradiction can be enough to win an acquittal. But here, even 109 of them were not enough. It all goes to underline the travesty of justice that we have all witnessed, and the damning picture it paints of the state of our judicial system means that even as things move to the High Court, we cannot quite be confident of a sighting of Lady Justice yet.”
Equal justice in Bangladesh? Certainly not for Professor Yunus or others whom the Prime Minister perceives as enemies.
Post on Shayan S. Khan’s Facebook page that was Made Available to the Public
How many firms in BGMEA have the welfare fund for workers setting aside 5% of their profits, in accordance with the Labour Act?
(Dr Yunus and three others have just been convicted by a labour court for not having this at Grameen Telecom, which is registered as a not-for-profit company and so their accounting doesn’t even allow for profit/loss.)
The answer of course, is zero. That’s more than 3500 profit-oriented companies in violation of the law, which means well but has been ignored on this by everyone.* But they only went after GT – it’s a fact. There are over 600,000 registered companies in th country, of whom none are known to have formed this fund. Yet GT is the only entity that has ever faced litigation for it. And that too criminal, not civil.
How many factory owners, not just RMG but any kind of manufacturing, where we’ve seen workers dying due to unsafe conditions, have faced criminal, not civil charges, in light of the countless deadly incidents we’ve witnessed over the years?
Only Delwar Hossain of Tazreen Garments/Fashions. And even he hasn’t been convicted yet, over the deadliest fire ever in the industry, globally (yes that’s ever, anywhere, surpassing the infamous Triangle Shirtwaist factory fire from early 20th century New York). The case has been kicked into the long grass, and he has been out on bail now for years. Even got elected to some AL-affiliate organisation’s presiding council or something. Bless him.
All other cases emanating from such incidents have filed only civil charges against the owners, i.e. the relief sought has been compensation. But in the case of Grameen Telecom, where no one died or got injured, they just had to file criminal charges. And see it through to a conviction in the same labour tribunal that has seemingly forgotten Delwar’s offences, maybe even his existence. It all took only about six months. Tazreen burned to the ground in 2012, killing around 120 workers who were locked inside the factory floor – a policy implemented by the management to prevent workers from ‘wandering off’ during work hours apparently.
That man is free today, on bail but not convicted. Dr Yunus has been granted post-conviction bail as well and his appeal will move this to the High Court. But technically, he has a lesser claim on breathing free in Bangladesh today, than Delwar Hossain.
And that is your state of justice in Bangladesh.
*They are not in violation of the law. I’ve since come to know that with an amendment brought to the Labour Act in 2013, the RMG sector got itself exempted “from the application of Chapter XV of the Act.” That’s the part that contains the offences for which GT has been convicted. Most notably, RMG firms are not required to distribute 5% of profits to their workforce.
You must be logged in to post a comment.